Category Archives: Anti-Gurmat Propaganda

1984: The Anti-Sikh Propoganda Tapes


Within days after the attack on and massacre at the Durbar Sahib, Amritsar and more than 40 major Sikh worship and historical centres across India in June 1984 by its troops, Mrs Indira Gandhi’s government mailed, unsolicited, a series of propaganda tapes – VHS and Beta video – to individuals and institutions around the world.

Excerpts from these tapes speak for themselves, when simply juxtaposed today against the truth that began to emerge, slowly but surely, after these tapes had unfortunately achieved their original goal: misinformation and a feeble attempt to justify a crime of historical proportions and far-reaching poltical and social implications. The tapes were produced and distributed in 1984 through a multi-million dollar budget assigned to an international PR agency by the then Indian Government.

The poison implanted by the lies and the propaganda became entrenched in the public mind soon after its dissemination, and continues to polarize the Indian scene and the Indian Diaspora.

1984: The Anti-Sikh Propoganda Tapes – YouTube.

Produced by: The 1984 Memorial Project, New Delhi

Expose of RSS Attempts to Malign Sikh Preachers

Not too long ago, Baba Hari Singh Randhawa wale’s character was attacked in a video that was clearly a splice job of different videos cut together to make it seem as he was colluding with RSS hatemongers. The video was posted on, without any analysis of the integrity of the video whatsoever, despite the video’s suspicious nature In fact, the video never showed Baba Hari Singh and the hatemonger pracharik in the same scene even once.

Once he learned about the video, Baba Hari Singh replied to the propaganda video and exposed the methods that are used by the anti-Sikh RSS to smear the good name of Sikh prachariks who are effective at propagating Gurmat.

edit: Video link corrected.

Mass Grave of 1984 Sikh Genocide Victims Uncovered!!

*ACTION ALERT* Alleged Discovery of Mass Grave found from 1984 Sikh Genocide

In a Press Release issued by Sikhs For Justice today, it is believed that activists in India have stumbled upon a mass grave from the 1984 Sikh Genocide.  However, out of fear that evidence including bones and destroyed property preserved at the site may be destroyed by Government forces, activists in Punjab and the Diaspora are asking that human rights activists and those concerned with social justice bring awareness to the issue.

In an effort to bring such awareness, avoid such action by government forces, and bring accountability to the perpetrators of the crime, it is believed that through awareness and popular demand of the people that the discovery of the site will be hard to ignore.  Further, through the power of social media, International Media Outlets and Human Rights Agencies  the  will of the people will effectively prevent the destruction of evidence and lobby for the proper investigation of the site, by shining a spotlight on the alleged discovery of the mass grave.

Thus, as more details become available and are continuously updated here, we ask that everyone play their part and circulate the following Press Release and images with urgency and great vigor.


A mass Grave of Sikhs killed in November 1984 has been discovered after 26 years in village Hondh-Chillar, District Rewari, Haryana. The village was inhabited by several Sikh families and on November 02, 1984 in an organized and well planned attack, the entire village was burnt along with its Sikh population and Gurudwara. The village consisting of torched houses, a burnt Gurudwara and scattered human bones has now been discovered

As per attorney Gurpatwant Singh Pannun Legal Advisor to Sikhs For Justice, the forlorn debris and human remains at village Hondh-Chillar discovered after 26 years are the most specific and convincing evidence of Sikhs localities being attacked and wiped out throughout India in a identical pattern. The evidence discovered on site indicates systematic pattern in which armed groups lead by Congress Leaders would cordon Sikh neighborhoods, rape the women and burn the men and children alive. “The discovery of Mass Grave of Sikhs in Haryana proves that Nanavati Commission’s scope of inquiry into the killing of Sikhs was gravely insufficient and eyewash because the commission did not look into killings of Sikhs that took place outside Delhi”, added attorney Pannun.

According to Karnail Singh Peermohammad scores of Sikhs living in the village were burnt to death on November 02, 1984 and the Police neither identified the dead nor investigated the killing of Sikhs. According to the FIR filed by Ghanpat Singh Sarpanch and other eyewitnesses, the Sikh population of the village was attacked on November 02, 1984 by a group of about 500 people who came in Trucks and were armed. The group was shouting “Ye Sardar Ghaddar hain, Inn ko khatam karain ge” (These Sardars are traitors and we will wipe them out).

Echoing a shock felt by numerous international human rights organizations and activists, Jatinder Singh of Sikhs For Justice added “It is unthinkable the way in which these Sikhs must have been systematically targeted and subjected to the most gruesome methods of mass killing known to humankind. It is horrifying to think that these murders took place with state complicity through carefully orchestrated genocidal acts by armed groups of Indian men, transported from village to village by the state.” Adding to this shock, Jatinder Singh also cited that, “An entire village ethnically cleansed of a religious minority is the gravest violation of human rights and the most clearest proof of the Sikh Genocide. The innocent families of Hondh-Chillar village, mothers, fathers, brothers and sisters were all exterminated simply because of their religious beliefs differed from the majority of India.”.

In addition to the statements made by AISSF and SFJ, researchers have brought forth information that on November 02, 1984 attackers surrounded Sikh houses and attacked by throwing petrol bombs into Sikh homes. Men and children were beaten and thrown into the burning houses and women were first raped and then thrown into the fire. The Sri Guru Granth Sahib was also desecrated and Gurudwara was put on fire as indication of the murderous rage of the mob, looking to destroy any and all traces of Sikh identity.

In light of the recent discovery, AISSF and Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) will approach United Nations, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and South Asian Human Rights Commission to visit the site of Sikh Mass Graves in village Hondh-Chillar and investigate the attack on Sikhs that took place throughout India in November 1984.

The genocidal site of village Hondh-Chillar is discovered by the sustained and unceasing efforts of Engineer Manvinder Singh Giaspur.


-Sikh Activist

The Lie of the Truth Commissions: Coverup and Collusion of the 1984 Massacre of Sikhs

It still shocks me how little Sikhs know about the 1984 state promoted massacre against Sikhs. So I’m reposting this.

After the assassination of  prime minister of India, Indira Gandhi, the ruling Congress party, along with their supporters, engaged in a mass killing of over 10,000 Sikhs in about 3 days. To this day the main guilty have not been imprisoned. The slaughter took place in all areas of India that were ruled by the Congress party, not just the capital city.

Various “truth commissions” were created to uncover the facts behind the 1984 Delhi Riots where thousands of innocent Sikhs were attacked, tortured, and killed by mobs. The apparently spontaneous mob backlash after the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was actually a conspiracy devised by top-level politicians. During these pogroms mobs rampaged for three days in many large Indian cities without any police or military check to prevent the massacres. For these events to be considered riots is laughable as the Sikh community alone sustained numerous deaths, rapes, acts of torture, and attacks against their homes, businesses, and holy places. They were pogroms, an organised, one-sided,  massacre with the intent to teach the Sikh community to remain in its place… subservient.

Ten judicial commissions in twenty years have resulted in zero convictions of any high level officer or official. There is a need for an independent  truth commission lead by persons of integrity vested with all necessary powers to inquire into the pogroms and deliver justice so  both the victims and India itself may begin healing from the worst episode of partisan violence in modern India’s history since its founding.

The paper examines the search for justice through various ”truth commissions” that the government or others set up. It shows how roadblock after roadblock was created to protect the guilty. It also details the selfless determination of Sikh lawyer, HS Phoolka, who persevered and to this day still fights for the innocent. The full paper is below. Please spread this information to all so that our community, and others, may be educated about these atrocities and  our long wait for justice.


The Lie of the Truth Commissions

Sundeep Singh


Various “truth commissions” have been created in India to uncover the facts behind the 1984 Delhi Riots in which thousands of innocent Sikhs were attacked, tortured, and killed by mobs.  The apparently spontaneous mob backlash after the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was actually a conspiracy devised by top-level politicians.  During these pogroms mobs rampaged for three days in many large Indian cities without any police or military check to prevent the massacres.  Ten judicial commissions in twenty years have lead to zero convictions.  There is a need for an independent truth commission lead by persons of integrity to inquire into the pogroms and deliver justice so that that both the victims and India itself may begin healing from the worst episode of partisan violence in modern India’s history.

The eighties was a turbulent time in India.  The Sikh minority had been successfully conducting non-violent agitations for increased rights that a large segment of their population supported.  Fearful of losing voter confidence due to an imminent protest in which Sikh groups planned on stopping grain, water, and electricity exports from Punjab province, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi commenced the final step of a calculated plan of action known as Operation Bluestar[1].  On the pretense that the army was ousting militants from the Golden Temple, the most important shrine of the Sikhs, the Indian army attacked it on June 3, 1984.  That very morning the government had lifted a curfew placed upon the city, and pilgrims had poured in to celebrate a holy day.  The attack on the Golden Temple left 8-10,000 people dead, 500 buildings destroyed, and 30,000 people homeless[2]. The Indian government simultaneously attacked forty-one other Sikh shrines in an effort to crush the spirit of the Sikh community[3].

Six months later, on October 31, 1984, two of her Sikh bodyguards assassinated Prime Minister Indira Gandhi[4].  Some sporadic, isolated incidents of violence occurred afterward.  About one day later, the machinery of the ruling Congress party initiated an organised massacre that claimed close to 10,000 lives across India, and over 4,000 in the capital city of Delhi[5].  The property damage inflicted went into the billions of rupees and 72 Sikh shrines were burnt down.  Police forces watched and often participated in the violence[6].  An Indian army unit capable of intervening to save lives was ordered confined to barracks when it was discovered that its membership consisted of Sikhs[7].  No curfew was enforced, and for four days, the mobs controlled Delhi.


The Delhi riots are unique compared to previous episodes of communal violence in modern Indian history[8].  First, the violence was completely one-sided, showing that it was not a true communal riot.  Second, armed mobs held complete control of the capital city of a powerful democracy for four days and were able to act with impunity.  It affected not just ordinary Sikhs, but also top bureaucrats and businesspersons[9].  Third, there was a high degree of organization.  Police systematically assisted the mobs.  Rioters were provided voters’ lists, uniform-size rods, abundant supplies of fuel and inflammable powder, and government-run buses.  Fourth, the uniformity in the sequence of events in Congress-ruled areas across India proves that the congress party masterminded them[10]No deaths occurred on October 31, the day of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassination.  The killings began one day later[11].  Fifth, Hindu neighbors often sheltered Sikhs and in some cases helped organize a collective defence[12].  These facts prove that the riots were not a spontaneous reaction to the prime minister’s death.  Sixth, after the riots, due to considerable anti-Sikh propaganda, voters overwhelmingly voted in favour of the Congress party despite allegations of its involvement.  Seventh, the death toll was higher than in any communal riot in free India’s history[13].

In his first public speech after the massacre, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, Indira Gandhi’s son, dismissed calls for an inquiry to explain the deaths by saying “[w]hen a big tree falls, the earth beneath it is bound to shake”[14].  Citizens’ organizations, lead by Dr. Rajni Kothari and retired Justice V.M. Tarkunde issued a report entitled Who are the Guilty?[15]. This report named prominent Congress party M.P.s as leaders of the mobs.  A non-official commission was created under a retired chief justice of the Supreme Court named S.M. Sikri[16].  This commission also consisted of retired ambassadors, governors, and senior civil servants.  It severely criticised the government for its role in the massacre.

Circumstances forced the prime minister to order an inquiry, despite his attempts to avoid it[17].  Rajiv Gandhi had made an election promise to settle the uprising in Punjab.  To achieve this goal he required participation of the Akali political party that represented most Sikhs.  However, the Akalis threatened to commence a non-violent agitation and boycott dialogue until a new inquiry was ordered.  Two days before the proposed agitation the Prime Minister agreed to this demand.

There have been 10 official inquiries, with most focusing on the shortcomings of the police[18].  The first, called the Marwah Commission, was appointed in November of 1984[19].  Justice Marwah was unable to complete his task of inquiring into the role of the police during the riots on the pretext that the second commission had begun.  The records of the Marwah Commission, minus Justice Marwah’s important handwritten notes, were transferred to the second commission.

The Mishra Commission (1985) was charged with discovering if the riots were organised[20].  However, it only diverted blame from those in power to the lower levels of the police.  This commission involved no cross-examinations of leaders.  Additionally, false affidavits had been filed claiming Congress party members had aided Sikhs.  These outnumbered the victims’ affidavits by nearly four times.  All of these affidavits followed similar patterns and were bereft of detail or corroboration.  After one witness, who was called to corroborate an affidavit purported to be his, stated that that it was a forgery Justice Mishra banned press reports[21].  The Citizens Justice Committee (CJC), created by an advocate named H.S. Phoolka to represent the victims, withdrew from the proceedings in protest when the Mishra Commission excluded the CJC from cross-examining important public officials[22].  This committee, composed of judges and notable lawyers and headed by a former chief justice of India, accused Supreme Court Justice Mishra of “shielding the culprits and suppressing the truth[23].”

Justice Mishra earned substantial rewards for shielding the perpetrators.  Mishra had absolved P.V. Narasimha Rao of any wrongdoing for three days of an administrative vacuum[24].  Rao, as home minister, was responsible for administration of Delhi.  After Rao became prime minister, Rao awarded Mishra with leadership of the National Human Rights Commission.  Currently, Mishra is a Congress party M.P.

The Kapur Mittal Committee (1987) identified 72 police officers it considered guilty of connivance or gross negligence and recommended dismissal of 30[25].  Since, each officer has received two or three promotions each.  One is now the Special Commissioner of Police in Delhi and another is Joint Commissioner of Police.  Eventually, some officers were punished, but these punishments were light compared to the gravity of their crimes.  The Ahuja Committee  (1987) was to determine the number of fatalities[26].  It conservatively estimated the number in Delhi to be 2733, despite the submission of a head count of 3,870[27].

The Jain Banerjee Committee (1987) was charged with recommending registration of cases[28].  However, the government registered none and those under investigation blocked the committee using a court order.  The Potti Rosha Committee (1990), successor to the Jain Banerjee Committee, recommended the registration of cases against prominent Congress party members as well.  The judges disbanded it after intimidation from Congress party thugs[29].  Similar recommendations from the Jain Aggarwal Committee (1990) were also disregarded[30].  The Dhillon Committee (1985) was appointed to recommend measures for rehabilitation of the victims[31].  It recommended awarding victims with compensation from insurance companies.  The government rejected this measure.  Consequently, insurance companies throughout India rejected claims, leaving victims uncompensated.  The Narula Committee (1993) was also ignored when it recommended the registration of cases[32].

The tenth and final inquiry, the Nanavati Commission, began with an exhaustive mandate to inquire into the causes and course of violence against the Sikh community, the sequence of events leading up to the rioting as well as all the facts surrounding it, and whether the riots could have been prevented[33].  Was the cause a mere dereliction of duty, or was it something more sinister?  The Commission was also to recommend measures to meet the ends of justice.  Its first sitting was on October 3, 2000.  Repeated extensions led to a closure date of January 31, 2005, although its mandate was to have expired on April 2, 2001.

The Commission received 2, 557 affidavits naming Congress leaders for inciting and leading mobs in Delhi during the riots[34].  It recorded interviews with 89 persons, including journalists, army officers, police officers, and eminent persons who had witnessed either the violence or the government’s inaction.  Hundreds cooperated with the Commission hoping for justice[35].  Fresh evidence was heard against senior members of the Congress party.  It became clear that senior officers had ordered police to not interfere with the mobs and to disarm and arrest Sikhs for defending themselves.

The Nanavati Commission also contradicted some findings from previous Commissions.  For example, the Mishra Commission’s finding that violence had escalated due to police failure to inform senior officers about the situation’s gravity was proven false.  Justice Nanavati felt that the violence was organised and involved the backing and help of influential and resourceful persons[36].

Justice Nanavati named Jagdish Tytler, Sajjan Kumar, Dharam Das Shastri, and H.K.L. Bhagat as the M.P.s who “very probably” led the murderous mobs[37].  All were close to the Prime Minister.  He found credible evidence that Dharam Das Shastri had led a mob of 3,000 to secure the release of imprisoned looters from a police station[38].  A senior police officer confirmed eyewitness reports claiming Shastri threatened officers with dire consequences if they interfered with looters.  Numerous eyewitnesses saw Jagdish Tytler urge a mob to burn down a Sikh temple and kill Sikhs[39].  Another witness heard Tytler rebuke a group of people by saying that it would be difficult for him to stake a claim in the future as only nominal killings had been carried out contrary to his promise of a large-scale massacre.  The evidence against Sajjan Kumar and H.K.L. Bhagat is also strong.  Both had incited mobs to burn Sikhs.  Many witnesses recorded how Bhagat pressured them to not name him.  Furthermore, numerous witnesses issued complaints to the police about Bhagat, but the officers did not record his name.  It is strange that despite the overwhelming evidence against these four, the judge was not clear in his statement regarding the extent of their involvement.

Ultimately, Justice Nanavati created excuses to allow prominent politicians to escape justice.  He declared that Bhagat ought not to face action due to poor health[40].  He also decided against investigating Shastri, claiming there had been a previous investigation into incidents involving Shastri[41].  Actually, Shastri had never been charged or investigated for instigating attacks.  On whether Tytler should be prosecuted, Nanavati claimed that a person could not be prosecuted based on probability in criminal cases.  Actually, criminal cases can be prosecuted on the basis of probability, and the vast majority in India are, it is conviction that requires evidence beyond a reasonable doubt.  Justice Nanavati contradicted himself by stating that violence was not systematically organised by the Congress party, and that the Congress party members were only involved for personal reasons[42].  Once again, blame shifted to the police and administration.

Justice Nanavati found that officers posted in numerous districts either watched the massacre, or actively incited mobs[43].  There was a systematic pattern of officers disarming Sikhs while allowing rioters to roam free with weapons[44].  In an interview, Nanavati maintained that this practice was an acceptable pre-emptive measure.  The CJC contended that disarming victims would have been acceptable only if rioters had been disarmed as well.  Nanavati, ignoring the facts, challenged the CJC to provide evidence that the rioters were armed.

Nanavati decided against taking action to investigate most officers either because police department inquiries had exonerated them in the past, or because officers had improperly filed reports making investigation too difficult[45].  His final reason for inaction was that many officers were retired, and so no action could be initiated against them[46].  Interestingly, an officer in charge of one of the worst affected areas now occupies the second most important position in the Delhi police while his counterpart from another area was charged.  The former was not charged because a departmental inquiry had exonerated him, but his counterpart, who had also been exonerated by a departmental inquiry, was charged because Justice Nanavati clamed his commission had a much wider scope for inquiry than a departmental inquiry[47]. The Lieutenant Governor and former Police Commissioner were found guilty for dereliction of duty, but they could have acted in this way only with the connivance of superiors[48].  It appears that charges were laid only against low ranking officers or those who had fallen out of favour.

Ultimately, there are three key facts to be learned from the Nanavati Commission[49].  First, that dozens of Congress leaders and followers had instigated and participated in the riots.  Second, there was a race among the Congress M.P.s to show how many Sikhs they could kill.  Third, after the massacre, there was a collaborative effort by the party machinery and police to weaken cases, delete names of accused persons, and to collect affidavits under pressure.  Unfortunately, Justice Nanavati did not suggest the need for any further investigation to determine whether the massacre was a collaborative effort or to determine how far the conspiracy extended.

After numerous commissions and prosecutions, the upper echelons of the ranks of the guilty remain free. Although public outcry has forced Kumar and Tytler to resign their posts under pressure, it is far from true justice[50].  Dozens of prosecutions launched ended inconclusively.  Several Commissions resulted in whitewashes.  Participating eyewitnesses often recanted under pressure, or withdrew when they realised they were participating in a farce.  There is a need for a final commission to end the matter.

Justice Nanavati has asked many witnesses about the viability of a commission similar to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission created by South Africa[51].  South Africa’s commission allowed people to confess their crimes in return for immunity from prosecution.  The aim was to heal a scarred society and to move forward.  While a lofty idea, Sikhs are not willing to accept this[52].  The main body representing Sikhs is keen on punishing the culprits, as are the majority of Sikhs.  If Sikhs were willing to accept a similar commission, it is likely the main culprits would continue concealing their crimes as they have little to gain through honesty.

Any future commission must overcome numerous challenges to be successful.  These issues include corruption, credibility, transparency, dulled memories, deaths of witnesses and suspects, and the destruction of documents.  Moreover, a workable commission needs the capability to create change.

A viable commission requires a government that is willing to appoint it.  The Congress government will never do so.  Appropriate pressure can compel a different government to create an effective commission.  Unfortunately, appointing commissions is a political game.  The BJP, who appointed the Nanavati Commission, are accused of masterminding the massacre of Muslims in Gujarat[53].  Past Commissions often have not been properly tended to.  When nearing conclusion a less favorably disposed party may refuse requests for increased funding or time.  Granting adequate time and a package of funding under the inquiry’s control can prevent this potential problem.  The above suggestions, combined with a broad, independent mandate, will protect the commission’s integrity if those on the commission were honest.

Appointing eminent persons such as former Supreme Court Chief Justice S.M. Sikri and other eminent judges and lawyers helps to address the need for credibility.  It would enhance the commission’s credibility to be lead by highly ranked judges experienced with the 1984 issue.  A panel of judges grants greater credibility and further decreases chances of corruption more than a lone judge can.  The chance of corruption derailing the process is minimised by including only those with proven good character.  To ensure that appropriate persons are appointed, all political parties should have votes regarding which judge is appointed.  Additionally, the main organisation representing the affected community should have a veto in case a corrupt or undesirable individual is appointed.  Strict time limits to vote for the appointments would prevent stalling by politicians.

Transparency ensures authenticity.  Representatives from the Sikh community and the legal community should be appointed in an oversight committee to monitor the Commission’s activities.  This helps prevent the community’s interest in the commission’s findings from being derailed by politics.  Such Sikhs should be persons deemed by the ordinary Sikh community to be of good character, and may be appointed by various organisations representing the Sikh community.  All members of the legal community must also be in good standing, with no serious allegations against their character.

The oversight committee’s powers will be limited to observing all aspects of the investigation and reporting them to the public.  It will not be able to order most types of inquiries or control the direction of ongoing inquiries.  This will dampen potential allegations that members of the Sikh community are influencing the commission to gain vengeance on those politicians who they feel have wronged their community.

There is a need to hold judges accountable.  The oversight committee needs the power to initiate inquiries into the action of a judge for deviant behavior.  A judge would appear before a panel of peers if this situation were deemed to have occurred, not in front of the oversight committee.  If the judge’s behavior were deviant, than that judge would be immediately dismissed from the commission.

The effects of dulled memories and the death of many witnesses and suspects cannot be completely overcome.  These effects they can be mitigated by using the collected works of the CJC and CJC-II (Carnage Justice Committee), which was created to represent victims before the Nanavati Commission[54].  These factors highlight the urgent need for a fresh inquiry to be appointed immediately.

Any future commission must have power to succeed.  An honest inquiry counts for little if it cannot place charges against the prime suspects of the massacre.  It must be able to order new investigations and compel cooperation from anyone.  Additionally, it needs the authority to order the presentation of any documents it deems relevant.  Finally, the commission should have the additional power to create judicial orders and the right to pass down any sentence deemed fit under the law.

To prevent a repetition of such massacres, and to prevent another subversion of a democracy ruled by law and order, the perpetrators of the pogrom must be found and punished.  If a class of people can behave with impunity for human rights, such events will reoccur.  This truth has been shown in Gujarat where over 800 Muslims have been killed in rioting planned by the governing party[55].  Such evil can still arise only because people choose to forget previous massacres that provide the basis for future occurrences.

[1] A.R. Darshi, The Gallant Defender, 2d ed. (Ludhiana: Darshi, 2001).   A.R. Darshi is the former Joint Secretary to the Punjab Government.

[2] Guardian (26 June 1984) ¶ 6, online: Witness 84 <;.

[3] Ensaaf, “Context,” ¶ 4, online: Ensaaf .

[4] Khuswant Singh, “1984 Sikh Massacres: Victory to the Mob” Outlook (22 August 2005) ¶ 4, online: Sikh Times <—news_082205a.html>.

[5] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 3.

[6] Stanley Tambiah, “Presidential Address: Reflections on Communal Violence in South Asia” (2006) 49 J. Asian Studies 747.

[7] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 8.

[8] H.S. Phoolka, “Frequently Asked Questions,” ¶ 1, online: Carnage 84 . [Phoolka].

[9] Ravindra Kumar, “Ashes to Ashes: If Nanavati Doesn’t Save You, the Government Must” Statesman (10 August 2005) ¶ 4 (Lexis) [Kumar, “Ashes I”].

[10] PUCL & PUDR, “Who are the Guilty?” (November 1984) ¶ 2, online: People’s Union for Civil Liberties .

[11] Phoolka, supra note 7 ¶ 12.

[12] Phoolka, supra note 7 ¶ 20.

[13] Phoolka, supra note 7 ¶ 2.

[14] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 7.

[15] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 7.

[16] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 10.

[17] H.S. Phoolka, “Commissions and Committees,” ¶ 17, online: Carnage 84 [Phoolka, “Introduction”].

[18] H.S. Phoolka, “Frequently Asked Questions,” ¶ 1, online: Carnage 84 [Phoolka, “Commissions”].

[19] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 1.

[20] “Phoolka, “Introduction”, supra note 16 ¶ 24.

[21] Josy Joseph & Naresh Taneja, “Judges have been Party to a Cover-up” Times of India (2004) ¶ 18, online: Times of India <;.

[22] “Phoolka, “Introduction”, supra note 16 ¶ 27.

[23] “Phoolka, “Introduction”, supra note 16 ¶ 28.

[24] “Phoolka, “Introduction”, supra note 16 ¶ 29.

[25] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 4.

[26] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 8.

[27] Joseph, supra note 20 ¶ 31.

[28] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 5.

[29] V. Sundaram, “A Panoply of Orchestrated Fraud” (12 November 2006) ¶ 26, Online: Bolo Ji .

[30] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 8.

[31] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 9.

[32] “Phoolka, “Commissions”, supra note 17 ¶ 10.

[33] “Report on 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots Submitted” The Hindu (10 February 2005), online: The Hindu <—2005021005880900.htm>.

[34]Seema Mustafa, “1984 Sikh Massacres: Mother of all Cover-ups” Asian Age (9 August 2005), online: Sikh Times <;.

[35] “Phoolka, “Introduction”, supra note 16 ¶ 33.

[36] Siddharth Varadarajan, “Moral Indifference as the Form of Modern Evil” (12 August 2005) The Hindu ¶ 3  (Lexis).

[37] “The Farce of Inquiry Commissions” (18 August 2005) Statesman ¶ 2 (Lexis).

[38] Ravindra Kumar, “Ashes to Ashes II: Damning Evidence of a Very Probable Massacre” (11 August 2005) ¶ 2 (Lexis) [Kumar, “Ashes II”].

[39] “Kumar, “Ashes II”, supra note 37 ¶ 2.

[40] “Kumar, “Ashes I”, supra note 8 ¶ 1.

[41] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 2.

[42] Mustafa, supra note 33 ¶ 7.

[43] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 2.

[44] Manoj Mitta, “An Encounter with a Judge” (12 June 2003) Indian Express ¶ 5, online: Counter Currents <—gujarat-mitta120603.htm>.

[45] Justice G.T. Nanavati, “Part of Nanavati Report: Part IV Assessment of Evidence and Recommendations for Action” ¶ 4, Online: Carnage 84 .

[46] Mustafa, supra note 33.

[47] Manoj Mitta, “Nanavati Let Off all Police Officers from Worst Massacre Site” (20 August 2005) ¶ 2 (Lexis).

[48] Singh, supra note 2 ¶ 12.

[49] “Kumar, “Ashes II”, supra note 37 ¶ 2.

[50] “Kumar, “Ashes I”, supra note 8 ¶ 4.

[51] Kuldip Nayar, “Fresh Light On 1984 Riots” (20 February 2005) The Dawn ¶ 11, Online: Counter Currents <—com-nayar200205.htm>.

[52] Nayar, supra note 50 ¶ 9.

[53] Phoolka, supra note 7 ¶ 2.

[54] Phoolka, supra note 7 ¶ 18.

[55] Phoolka, supra note 7 ¶ 2.

Attack on Authenticity of Guru Granth Sahib ji

Many have long suspected that the attacks on Guru Gobind Singh ji’s writings, the Dasam Granth Sahib ji, were just the beginning. From there the government agents and communists posing as Sikh scholars attacked the rahit maryada, the basic Nitnem banis,  the authority of the Akaal Takht Sahib, the integrity of mahan pracharaks, and the sanctity of the Amrit Sanchar  itself. Today there are Amrit Sanchars carried out with only Japji Sahib and Anand Sahib being read, instead of the required five banis that also include Jaap Sahib, Tve Prasaad Svaye, and Chaupai Sahib. The plan of the anti-panthic agents was quite simple, build up a critical mass of the uncritical (unthinking), attack the foundations of the Sikh dharm to create splits in the panth at as many points as possible, and then attack the Guru Granth Sahib ji itself. Under this plan some agents only attack the Dasam Granth Sahib, while others attack at all possible points. In this way those wayward Sikhs who are only inclined to some limited degree of blasphemy will have some leader, some “scholar”, to look up to who can lead them in their attacks. While those beymukhs (those who turn their backs on the Guru) who have no limits to their hereticism can freely indulge in their attempts to remake Guru Nanak Sahib ji’s dharm as they wish. The potential end result of these circumstances conjure up a vision of a trail of deadly terror assaults, with scattered pockets of confused sangat wandering around the smoky remains of each breach in our dharm. Of course, it will never come to that end as Maharaj blessed the Sikhs with enough evidence of the authenticity of Dasam Granth Sahib and the rahit maryada that all those Sikhs who seek with a sincere heart will come to realise the truth.

Raggi Darshan Singh has been invited to do vichaar numerous times, but he has either found some excuse to avoid it or simply ignored the invitations. The agenda of these people is to create division, not to do vichaar because vichaar is in the best interests of the panth. At protests his followers have been hiding weapons and attacking the protesters in an attempt to instigate them to fight back. They want Singhs to use violence so that our name is blackened in the media and the mainstream sangat, who are often unaware of the true complexity of events, turn on us.

We need to clarify our objectives. The main goal is to win hearts and minds of mainstream sangat who are unaware of the propaganda. Violence can trigger a backlash from them. The attacks on Dasam Bani, Akaal Takht, Rahit Maryada, Amrit Sanchar, and now Guru Granth Sahib ji are merely methods of division being used. our goal is not to convince panth-dokhis, nor is it necessarily to shut them up (unless it’s by debate, which is why they are afraid of it), the ultimate goal is to convince the mainstream sangat so that the panth maintains its unity and walks in line with Gurmat. All other goals should be subservient to this ultimate goal.

At each juncture we must ask ourselves, is this action that we are contemplating in the best interests of the panth? What are the potential downsides? The failure to employ hosh (correct thought and planning) before josh (effort/action) has ever been our community’s downfall. We should also employ an articulate Sikh at each protest to represent the panthic point of view to the media so that propagandaists do not have free reign with the newspapers and public opinion.
We must look to the past. Whenever the panth has needed a renaissance it was from looking back to see what worked and then adapting it to the modern day. The puratan Singhs had so much self control they could take a beating without flinching in the morcha to regain control of the Gurdwara sahibs. I’m not saying defending Guru ji’s Bani is wrong, and I’m not saying we should do it exactly like puratan Singhs did, nor am I saying to take beatings, but we must alter the strategy in the best interests of the panth in each venue where protests happen. Canada is not India. Peaceful protests work here, violence does not. It is a matter of choosing the best strategy for the panth in order to achieve our ultimate goal, which is one panth united under the Nishan sahib of the Takhts and the Guru’s Bani, whether that bani be from our Guru, Guru Granth Sahib ji, or from the Tenth Guru’s Dasam Granth Sahib ji.

Let’s examine some of their other methods:

Recently the Rozana Spokesman, a propaganda rag that poses as a Sikh newspaper, began the final phase of their plan to attack Sikh dharm – an assault on the authenticity of Guru Granth Sahib ji itself. It is important for us to understand the extent to which these people will go in their attempts to demolish the Sikh dharm. The article below is translated from the Spokesman by Bhai Prabhjot Singh.

After guru gobind singh ji left for his heavenly abode, those people, who were desperate to label Babeh Nanak‘s sikhi as just another offshoot of brahmanical religion, suddenly became active. For centuries, these individuals had been fanatically determined to finish off any religion from this world that is not a part of Brahmanic ideology. Buddhism issued a challenge to this ideology, and everyone is aware of what these people did to that religion. These individuals also wanted to hurry to make Sikh religion a part of Brahmanic ideology so that no bigger trouble surface later. In this hurry, they got ‘Bachittar Natak’ written which is full of mistakes and lies and propagated that it is the autobiography of Guru Gobind Singh, written by himself. In that hurry, they also got few compositions from hindu granths from here-and-there and said that this all is the ‘treasure’ Guruji has left for us. The one and only purpose of these compositions was to make sikhi a part of Brahmanic ideology.

Because the sikhs themselves were busy fighting wars, it became even more easy to push this conspiracy further and nirmalas, udhasis took this job in their hands. Not only books like ‘Gurbilas Patshahi 6’ and ‘Dasam Granth’, but almost all historical resources have been written by the nirmalas. The Srichandis (these people) these nirmalas and udhasis destroyed or burnt Babeh Nanak’s handwritten ‘Pothi Saihb’ and later wrote that this ‘Pothi’ was destroyed during wars. The ‘Cholaa’ of Babeh Nanak didnt get destroyed, the wooden sandles remained safe, every writing and memorials of all the other gurus and 35 bhagats remained safe, so was it that the wars had to only destroy the handwritten ‘Bani’ of Babeh Nanak?

It is absolutely certain that these people made many changes to Guru Granth Sahib and started the bad trend of burning the older Birs [saroops] (so that every piece of evidence) could be destroyed, and started propagating the idea that ‘to do Sanskaar of old Birs’ is a part of religious duty. Only dead bodies are burnt. Do the old Birs symbolise the books of dead knowledge? Burning of knowledge can never be called an act of any religion. These people, in order to hide their ill-deeds, also started declaring that no changes can be made to any word, characters, or Matra of the bani of Guru Granth Sahib. To cover up their tracks, these very people, who had themselves made big changes, played this card to finalise their changes. There are many other religions. They also have their respected granths. No other religion made ‘Sanksaar’ or ‘Changes of words, characters and Maatras’ a sin. Why? Why didnt any Guru impose this kind of ban? Why did it occur to only nirmalas and udhaasis? There is a need to think, analyse and research this. Many proofs are surfacing that present evidence of thebut whenever anyone starts taking steps towards seeking the truth, the nirmalas and their agents start crying foul and say, “Look, he is raising objections against guru granth sahib. Those backstabbing of Babeh Nanak by nirmalas and udhaasis who screamed and shouted would never want the truth to surface and their plans explosed. We will write more on this later, for now however we want to give you the hint and pointer that right from the beginning, these srichandis have tried to backstab the philosophy of babeh nanak and have made a fool of the sikhs.

Another bloody attempt at backstabbing has increased when panth accepted ‘nankshahi calender’ of 2003 has been restamped with ‘we are hindus’ dates on new calender. What was the need to make changes when this calender was accepted by the entire panth? A handful of nirmalas and their ‘Cholaa and round dastaar wearing’ sants started crying that how come their highly successful job of layering Brahmanic skin on sikh religion for the past 300 years has been brought to a abrupt halt with ‘nanakwadi’ approach. For the past 300 years, their sole purpose had been to try to keep the sikh philosophy, sikh gurdwaras, sikh maryadas, sikh history and gurbani attached to brahmanic ideology in one form or the other. In the 2003 ‘nanakshahi calender’ they could see complete seperation of the sikh philosophy and history from the brahmanic ideology. This attempt was to kill all the attempts of the srichandis. Srichandis became worried to no end.

Consider this good fortune of the srichandis that the sikh politicians sitting on the seat of shromani committee meaning control of gurdwara golaks were finding hard to get votes of sabat soorat sikhs. The srichandis sants promised the votes of the lazy idlers sitting at their deras (the total of which is in lakhs) and as such have been successful at stabbing babeh nanak one more time with the help of these ‘akali leaders’. On the pretext of Sangrands and Massiyas, the nanakshahi calender has been attached to bikrami calender. They are scared that time is soon going to change its tide and if the wound is not inflicted on time, maybe new leader will not agree to do this job. Just as they succeded in propagating ‘dasam granth’ and ‘gurbilas’ in haste, they have now converted ‘nanakshahi calender’ into ‘dual-philosophy’ aka two-faced calender. The target is still the same that was 300 years ago – to not let the unique character of sikhi surface and to keep sikhi nailed to the floor with the rope of Brahmanic ideology. Like we said above, times have changed and this revolution of 21st century will soon bring an end to both of them.

link to original article

Sadh sangat ji, these people completely reject other sources of Sikh history such as Janamsaakhi Guru Nanak devji (Bhai Bala wali), Gurbilas patshahi 6, Gurbilas patshahi 10, bansawlinama, Bhagatmaal, Sooraj parkash, both Panth Parkash granths and other texts as brahminical, mixed up, corrupted and not authentic and according to Gurmat. Unsurprisingly, these all are the only historical accounts written by Sikhs, and if we are to reject them all as un-authentic and corrupted, we’ll be left with no history of our own, written by Sikhs. So does that mean we should go to Hindus and Muslims for our history of that time??? I think this is what these people slandering Baani and history want to. They want to make us a pride-less, honour-less nation, which couldn’t write even its own history and want us to believe in the Hindu or muslim version of our History.
Suppose we were to reject Gurbilas patshahi 6. in its present version, How are we going to know that who created Akaal takhat ( Akaal Bunga)? No muslim or hindu has written about it. It’s only this book which tells us that it was Guru Hargobind sahib ji maharaj, who with help of Baba Buddha ji and Bhai Gurdas ji built Akaal Bunga. These people want to snatch our History, our traditions, our faith from us.

Now what if we got rid of Dasam Guru (ka) Granth Sahib (the Granth of the Tenth Guru)? We would lose our protection, we would lose that which gave us rakhya (protection) during the dark days our panth’s existence.  Our panths roots lie in Guru Granth Sahib ji, Dasam Granth Sahib ji, and Khande batte da Amrit (which is created from banis from both granths).

I had written an article on this very group about six months ago, asking all the Dasam baani nindaks to present ‘’ANY’’ other history text of 17th century, where Shaheedi of Guru Teg Bahadur ji is mentioned as we believe it to be. We say that Guru Teg Bahadur sahib ji sacrificed his life to protect Faith and Symbols of Hindus. Read the Bachans of Guru Gobind Singh ji Maharaj in Bachittar Natak,
ਤਿਲਕ ਜੰਞੂ ਰਾਖਾ ਪ੍ਰਭ ਤਾਕਾ ॥
ਕੀਨੋ ਬਡੋ ਕਲੂ ਮਹਿ ਸਾਕਾ ॥
ਸਾਧਨਿ ਹੇਤਿ ਇਤੀ ਜਿਨਿ ਕਰੀ ॥
ਸੀਸ ਦੀਆ ਪਰ ਸੀ ਨ ਉਚਰੀ ॥13॥
ਧਰਮ ਹੇਤ ਸਾਕਾ ਜਿਨਿ ਕੀਆ ॥
ਸੀਸ ਦੀਆ ਪਰ ਸਿਰਰੁ ਨ ਦੀਆ ॥
ਨਾਟਕ ਚੇਟਕ ਕੀਏ ਕੁਕਾਜਾ ॥
ਪ੍ਰਭ ਲੋਗਨ ਕਹ ਆਵਤ ਲਾਜਾ ॥14॥
ਠੀਕਰਿ ਫੋਰਿ ਦਿਲੀਸਿ ਸਿਰਿ ਪ੍ਰਭ ਪੁਰ ਕੀਆ ਪਯਾਨ ॥
ਤੇਗ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸੀ ਕ੍ਰਿਆ ਕਰੀ ਨ ਕਿਨਹੂੰ ਆਨ ॥15॥
ਤੇਗ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਕੇ ਚਲਤ ਭਯੋ ਜਗਤ ਕੋ ਸੋਕ ॥
ਹੈ ਹੈ ਹੈ ਸਭ ਜਗ ਭਯੋ ਜੈ ਜੈ ਜੈ ਸੁਰ ਲੋਕ ॥16॥

This Baani of Guru Gobind Singh ji Maharaj clearly states the Supreme Sacrifice made by Guru Teg Bahadur ji for protection of Dharam, Truth, Equality, Freedom of worship and Right to profess one’s faith. These are the values upon which modern day democratic systems of the world stand and which have been incorporated by Democratic countries in their constitutions. For these supreme ideals, Ninth Guruji gave his life, attained Shaheedi in Delhi along with three of his Sikhs.

Now for a moment, remove this from our history, our literature, our psyche! Can anyone of us, we believers or the Nindaks of Dasam Baani, present any historical account of Guruji’s shaheedi for Dharam. Answer is NO. There is no account of 17th century which says this. No Hindu wrote about it and Muslims those who wrote in their books gave their own fanatic Islamic version of Guruji’s shaheedi. They say ‘’Guru Teg Bahadur was a plunderer, looter and Rapist, who along with a Sufi faqir of Lahore launched a movement against Islamic empire of Aurangzeb. There was a fight near Lahore, where he was captured and hanged to death in Lahore in 1675. His body was cut in four pieces and hanged in four directions of Lahore city’. And these accounts were all written in 1670’s and 80’s. Fanatic muslims were and are hell bent against Rise of Sikhi, and modern day Hindu, under influence of RSS, VHP and other groups wants to throw away the ‘’favour’’ done by Sikh Gurus for them, so that they can be relieved of this burden.

Now think, rejecting Dasam baani as false and myth and lies will benefit whom?? Sikhs or Hindus and muslims?? My challenge for any other 17th century account of Guruji’s shaheedi, which was sent six months ago to Dasam baani nindaks, stands till today.’Present any account, which you believe in’!

Its upto you Khalsa ji, to judge now, as who are agents of Anti-Sikh forces, who want to dis-honour our great Gurus!

-from Kamaljeet Singh Shaheedsar of Facebook group No Khalsa Panth without Dasam Guru (ka) Granth Sahib

They are attempting to attack from all sides. Our faith is being tested in this game of separating the wheat from the chaff. But true sikhs don’t despair. When we examine history we see that the panth always emerges victorious so long as it maintains faith in Gurmat. Guru ji himself will give us the victory as the endgame is always in Maharaj’s hands. After all, how can mere chaff stand up against Gareeb Nivaaz Satguru Gobind Singh ji himself?

for more info see Check but not Mate